TO KILL A MOCKINGBIRD: BENTHAM AND LOCKE IN GAMBAT, PAKISTAN

Context and Background

A unique geographical feature of Gambat was its long border with the River Indus. The mighty Indus swelled enormously during the flood season (July – August), and to save adjoining towns and villages from its wrath, an earthen embankment ran along its sides. Since the river carried an average annual flow of 146 million-acre feet, the embankment was constructed several miles afar from its winter-time bed. Thus, an approximately 10-12 km wide strip (called katcha) ran between the riverbed and the earthen embankment. This allowed water to spread and be tamed easily. During off-flood months, the katcha area was cultivated. It was very fertile since the river enriched its soils every year as its water swelled and spilt during flooding. Given the annual flooding, it was difficult for the government to maintain a permanent road network in the katcha area. Human settlements were also either temporary or were built on high-altitude enclaves. Naturally, the government’s outreach in this area was limited, and the area provided an excellent escape to all kinds of criminals and fugitives. It was a microcosm of John Locke’s ‘state of nature.’ Gambat’s economy depended on agriculture and livestock. The total cultivable area in the sub-division was 67,554 acres. The main crops were wheat, rice, cotton, fodder, vegetables, mustard and sunflower. The area was also famous for its date gardens. Groundwater was brackish, except for pockets of sweet water. Hence, farmers depended almost exclusively on canal water for irrigation. Most farming households kept cattle and goats to meet their dairy and meat requirements. Livestock products were also marketed in nearby cities.

The gender ratio in Gambat was skewed in favour of men. For every 100 men, there were only 87.8 women,which was one of the lowest in Pakistan. (Pakistan’s average was 94 women for every 100 men, which was quitelow compared to 102 for Sub-Saharan Africa and 106 for Western Europe.) Gambat’s low gender ratio spoke volumes about women’s inferior socio-economic status. This resulted from gender-based discrimination in access to food, healthcare, education and other primary goods. Domestic abuse was common. Violence was routinely deployed as an instrument of discipline. It was not uncommon for a woman to be accused of adultery or inappropriate sexual liaison declared kari – black in vernacular, someone who brought shame to the family – and killed with impunity. There were no complainants in such cases since the victim’s family, who would have ordinarily pursued justice, were the ones who had committed the murder. Therefore, no prosecution took place. The unfortunate victim disappeared without a trace as if she never existed. Her story remained untold. Like other parts of rural Sindh, Gambat had a heterogeneous population in terms of caste, social status and class. The main castes were Syed, Sheikh, Ujjan, Kaleri, Korai, Tunio, Abbasi and Bhatti. Syeds were a privileged caste mainly because of their land ownership and spiritual leadership that created ample opportunity for personalenrichment. Sheikhs and a few Hindu castes looked after the business and were the moneyed people in the area. Ujjans were small-time agriculturalists, mainly working as tenants on Syeds’ lands or cultivating their own small plots of land. They were a large but poor tribe. Kaleris were not indigenous to Sindh. They had migrated from neighbouring areas of Balochistan several generations ago. Their numbers were small. They were considered a warrior tribe, aggressive in their outlook. They depended for their survival on small-scale agriculture and petty extortion. Korais lived mainly in the katcha area and depended on riparian agriculture. They often provided sanctuary to Kaleris and abetted them in petty crime. Tunios, Abbasis and Bhattis did agriculture and government jobs. The exact numbers of each tribe were not known. The strong caste system was continuously reinforced by endogamy. Most marriages were consanguineous, and it was unusual for a girl to be married out of the family, much less out of caste. Most out-of-caste marriages were love marriages and had been the result of an elopement, sometimes with tragic consequences.

** Why and how Honor Killings happen? How various groups , castes interact with each other? Why the burden is on/ or victum is women? How a Jirga is constituted? What is the role of the district adminstrator /government official, can he/she uphold law and confront the powerful? These are tough questions and writing a Case Study is equally challenging. In the context of Sindh and Pakistan, here is an excellent case study that draws attention to not only social complexities but also moral/philosophical orientations; in such conditions how an adminstrator can try standing up for justice and the vulnerable? If it rouses your curiosity the download is available…